Unborns With Gallstone

Geert Wilders and the media confusion

Following the recent electoral successes for some time in Italy the media are beginning to speak Dutch PVV party, founded by Geert Wilders. The Dutch PVV
acronym stands for "Party of Freedom," a remember the name of Berlusconi's People of Freedom.
Just like the PDL, the PVP is a right side, very critical of cultural relativism and egalitarianism of the Left.
addition, the PVV is the third largest party in Holland, a bit 'as our Northern League and, just as the League's tough positions against immigration, particularly from the Islamic countries.
Finally, just as the Italian center, does not like to be compared to parties that are inspired by the social right, to die a fascist.
surface analysis, therefore, the PVV delivery to the category "populist and xenophobic parties of the new populist right" to which belong many of Recent European political groupings.

Yet, to look better, the party of Geert Wilders is rather a novelty in the European political scene, and has very little to do with the Italian center.

Geert Wilders, who has quickly earned nicknames such as " Mozart" and "Captain peroxide " because of the peroxide mane - frankly ridiculous - the Netherlands is an atheist, secular, libertarian, and at the same time , suspicious of all religions and their dogmas. As a good

Netherlands, Wilders is proud of tolerance and open-mindedness that the company of the Netherlands is able to express considering it a sign of civilization.
The Netherlands that Wilders dream is still a multi-ethnic and multicultural country, where they can find a place of mutual respect and individual rights.
Wilders also calls himself a great friend of Jews and Israel (replacement) and is a staunch defender of the rights of gays and women, whose equal protection and believed to be a key element of a modern society and a distinctive feature of Western culture.

We are light years away isolationism Provincial League, as well as battle-homophobic, anti-Semitic and to protect the "race" of neo-fascists, we are, however, curiously close to the ideas of the Italian Radicals.

So why the Italian press, every time I talk to Geert Wilders, feels compelled to label it as "xenophobic," "racist" and leader of a political formation of "extreme right"?

The reason is simple: the PVV is strongly determined to minimize immigration from Islamic countries in the Netherlands and is contrary to the full veil, and other manifestations of fundamentalism, such as segregation and reduction in a state of semi-slavery of women.
Xenophobia?
Let those with the brain turned on. Before you tie labels, says what we feel the direct question: the PVV argues that Islamic fundamentalism is incompatible with the democratic life and to represent a form of fascist totalitarianism that uses the civil liberties of the West in order to destroy it.

In essence, Wilders believes that it is possible to keep in place a democratic system of rules that protect individual rights, freedom and equality of all citizens, especially vulnerable groups such as homosexuals, children and women if - at the same time - there is defended by the opposing forces, both internal and external, to "undermine and subvert those rights.

Wilders has reiterated several times, and many times his statements were ignored by the press, that his political battle not about all Muslims, but only those that for religious reasons, refuse to integrate into the system of freedom and individual rights in Western societies. That

to label Wilders as racist xenophobic far-right looks more like the consequence of incorrect old categories twentieth century by the media to a new political phenomenon of the twenty-first century, combining secularism, individual liberties and civil rights, but denies cultural egalitarianism.

The idea of \u200b\u200bWilders in the Netherlands could only find a finished work accomplished, it seems like a motorbike with pride of the Western world, a voice that strongly affirms that a democratic society, free and secular, with all its faults , it is because the best mankind has produced so far, because it is the only one that ensures respect for individual rights and personal vocation of each one, a voice which reminds us that the democratic balance is, by its nature, inherently unstable and therefore needs to be continually reaffirmed and protected from internal and external enemies.

Now, I do not know about you, but when I read the news that Dutch beat groups of Islamist fanatics young gay men in the street and that the Left defends them (!), I wonder if the world today still know what they are and the Right the Left, if these two categories still have a meaning, after the end of the Cold War, or at least should be redefined.

I believe that people like Geert Wilders are trying to lay the foundations for a different value system, free from the barriers of the past.

I am fully aware, and I imagine it is also Wilders, that the passage is narrow and that the boundary between the protection of liberal secularism as a beacon of the world and xenophobia boorish Northern League is very unstable.

But I am convinced that, in this historic crisis of ideals, the attempt is fair and that the benefit may be great for the whole Western world and beyond.

Regards,

(Rio)

Loop Antenna Impedance Matching

Il periodo Kamakura Kamakura period (1185-1333)

The conquest of political power in Japan by Minamoto no Yoritomo , following the victory over the Taira clan in Genpei War (1180-1185), marked the final step in Japan to feudalism. In fact, since 1185, sees the emergence of a new center of power, an alternative to the imperial court and with a feudal political structure itself. This is known as "Kamakura bakufu" , a military government based on the close relationship lord-vassal that elapsed between the Minamoto clan and some families in the Kanto, that in the previous campaign against The Taira had adhered to the cause of Yoritomo: in exchange for their unconditional loyalty and personal with Minamoto, these families obtained administrative positions ( Jito ) and military ( shugo ) in various courts in the country and the right of ownership over land confiscated from enemies and to knights of dubious loyalty.

In this way, Yoritomo could count, as well as a strong economic base personnel, even on a large control network, made up of trustworthy men ( the gokenin ) scattered throughout Japan. Moreover, he enjoyed a vast political power, guaranteed and legitimized by the same imperial court in Kyoto, which recognized il nuovo governo di Kamakura, conferendo a Yoritomo la carica di sotsuibushi (capo della polizia militare) nel 1185, quelle di soshugo (capo dei governatori militari) e di sojito (capo degli intendenti terrieri militari) nel 1190 e, infine, quella in assoluto più alta di shogun nel 1192. Allo stesso tempo, Yoritomo e i suoi sucessori si impegnavano a riconoscere l'istituzione imperiale quale unica fonte di legittimazione del potere politico e a convivere con essa in una sorta di "governo duale" , anche se, di fatto, la Corte di Kyoto andava via via perdendo competenze e proprietà terriere a favore del governo militare instaurato da Yoritomo.

However, the Kamakura bakufu, though at first it was found quite effective, was sorely tested by two major crises that struck him during his century and a half of life and that marked, albeit indirectly, in the end. The first of these crises was determined from the disappearance of the lineage of shogun Minamoto . In fact, after the death of Yoritomo, in 1199, the direct descendants of the latter could not handle the inheritance and were quickly replaced from Hojo. This famaiglia in the past guardian of Yoritomo could then take over the government of Japan under the guidance of Hojo Masako (1157-1225), Yoritomo's wife, and his father Tokimasa Hojo (1138-1215), who in 1203 assumed the post of first shikken , or regent of shogun. From now on, the Hojo were able to governre from behind the scenes of the Kamakura bakufu, while the post of shogun came to assume a symbolic value.

The other major crises of this period was instead represented by a serious external threat: attempted invasion of the Mongols in 1274 and 1281 . Indeed, while Japan was experiencing a period of peace and internal stability under the leadership of the Hojo, the Asian continent, at the end of the thirteenth century, the Mongol leaders were creating the largest empire in world history. After conquering Korea and smothered the recent outbreaks of resistance in China, the Mongol emperor Kublai QAN view of the Kamakura bakufu rejected by the request for submission to his authority, sent a naval expedition to Japan, which reached the northern shores of Kyushu in 1274. However, even before that there were decisive battle, a typhoon caused damage to the enemy fleet igenti forcing it to retreat. A similar thing happened in 1281: Mongol invasion of a new, more powerful than the first, was once again thwarted by a typhoon warning.

Although the threat of foreign occupation had been foiled by the "providential" typhoon, named not by chance kamikaze (divine wind), the massive preparations for defense to cope with the two Mongol invasions (and any subsequent attacks) had recorded a lot about the finances of the bakufu, as well as on human energies of the Japanese. Moreover, the war against inavsori had not left any loot to the winners in common. All this fueled the strong discontent of those who had incurred expenses, sacrifices and significant losses for the defense of the country, among other things without receiving compensation from the bakufu, which had proved so impotent and inefficient. This climate of general hostility to the Hojo in turn was fueled by resentment that many riders proviciali fed to the long reign of this family, it would have then determined the end of the Kamakura bakufu and at the same time, the beginning of a new shogunate Based in Muromachi and placed under the leadership of a new clan emerging: that of the Ashikaga .